Energy Policy Act of 2005

The Ener­gy Bill (Ener­gy Pol­i­cy Act of 2005 / HR6)
The Bush/Cheney Ener­gy Plan in Action

June 2002 (updat­ed Novem­ber 2, 2005)

[News] [Analy­sis] [Prob­lems] [Tar­gets]


Down­load the Ener­gy Bill:
Ener­gy Pol­i­cy Act of 2005 (3MB PDF; 551 pgs) [Bill History]

Small­er ver­sions from the Gov­ern­ment Print­ing Office (GPO): 1.3 MB PDF / 1.9 MB text version

Oth­er copies of the 1724 page final ener­gy bill (same as above, but dou­ble-spaced), as report­ed out of Con­fer­ence Committee: Ini­tial ver­sions of the leg­is­la­tion (before the dif­fer­ent ver­sions were merged in con­fer­ence committee):
Back­ground infor­ma­tion from House and Sen­ate Ener­gy Committees:

The tax sec­tion of the Ener­gy Bill was passed in 2004 as part of a cor­po­rate tax break bill called the Amer­i­can Jobs Cre­ation Act of 2004 (HR 4520). It was signed into law by Pres­i­dent Bush on 10/22/2004. See bill his­to­ry for more details.]

  • Expla­na­tion of H.R. 4520 Ener­gy Tax Provisions
  • Sen­ate vote, 10/11/2004 (passed 69–17)
  • House vote, 10/7/2004 (passed 280–141)]

Update: the Energy Bill passed and was signed into law by President Bush on Aug 8th, 2005.

A sound ener­gy pol­i­cy would focus on con­ser­va­tion, effi­cien­cy and CLEAN renew­ables (like wind and solar — no “bio­massincin­er­a­tors) and that we need a clean fuels pol­i­cy that dra­mat­i­cal­ly reduces our oil con­sump­tion and moves us toward elec­tric vehi­cles, rather than chas­ing false solu­tions like hydro­gen and ethanol.

The Ener­gy Pol­i­cy Act of 2005 does just the oppo­site. It’s with­out ques­tion the most envi­ron­men­tal­ly-dam­ag­ing nation­al leg­is­la­tion ever to be passed in the U.S. It’s a gigan­tic sub­sidy bill, pro­vid­ing sup­port to almost every con­ceiv­able dirty ener­gy tech­nol­o­gy, includ­ing nuclear pow­er, fos­sil fuels, and pol­lut­ing “alter­na­tive” fuels. The Ener­gy Bill passed the House of Rep­re­sen­ta­tives on April 21, 2005 [See how they vot­ed] and the Sen­ate on June 28, 2005 [See how they vot­ed].

The dif­fer­ent ver­sions were merged into a final ver­sion by the House-Sen­ate con­fer­ence com­mit­tee and com­plet­ed late Mon­day night, July 25th, 2005. The final bill had only been avail­able on the gov­ern­men­t’s leg­isla­tive web­site for under 48 hours before the bill cruised through the House on Thurs­day, July 28th, 2005 [See how they vot­ed], and came to a vote in the Sen­ate on the after­noon of Fri­day, July 29, 2005 [See how they vot­ed]. Like most large bills of this sort, it’s unlike­ly that any leg­is­la­tors had even read the leg­is­la­tion before vot­ing on it. A week lat­er (Aug 8th, 2005), it was signed into law by Pres­i­dent Bush.

Unlike in 2003, the Democ­rats in the Sen­ate did­n’t even try to stop the bill with a fil­i­buster. Indi­vid­ual Sen­a­tors have the pow­er to fil­i­buster a bill by talk­ing for­ev­er until the Sen­ate lead­er­ship gives up and moves on to anoth­er issue. It takes 60 votes to break a fil­i­buster. In 2003, a fil­i­buster stopped the ener­gy bill. At the time, the bill was 2 votes away from the 60 votes need­ed to break the fil­i­buster. 10 Democ­rats vot­ed the wrong way. We only won at that time because 6 Repub­li­cans vot­ed the right way.

In 2003, the fil­i­buster was focused around the MTBE lia­bil­i­ty waiv­er. In 2005, that waiv­er was removed (though a pro­vi­sion to move MTBE law­suits to fed­er­al courts remained), avoid­ing the issue that pre­vent­ed the bil­l’s pas­sage in 2003. Anoth­er super-con­tro­ver­sial issue (drilling in the Arc­tic Nation­al Wildlife Refuge) was also left out of the bill, to avoid an inevitable fil­i­buster. By focus­ing so intent­ly on the ANWR issue, the envi­ron­men­tal move­ment put too many eggs in one bas­ket and lost every­thing else in the process.

The ener­gy bill will…

  • increase gaso­line prices (accord­ing to Bush’s own Depart­ment of Energy)
  • do noth­ing to reduce our reliance on oil imports
  • do noth­ing to increase auto fuel efficiency
  • do noth­ing to tran­si­tion our elec­tric­i­ty sec­tor towards clean renew­able
    ener­gy
  • inven­to­ry the U.S. coast­lines for oil and gas, to make way for future
    drilling in our coastal waters
  • tram­ple state’s rights to pro­tect their coasts from liq­ue­fied nat­ur­al gas
    ter­mi­nals (used so we can go to war for gas as well as oil, now that we’re
    run­ning out of nat­ur­al gas in North America)
  • require ethanol use, increas­ing gas prices [men­tion this if you’re in a
    West­ern or New Eng­land state, where ethanol would need to be import­ed from
    the mid-west]
  • make us more vul­ner­a­ble to ter­ror­ism by build­ing more juicy ter­ror­ist
    tar­gets (new nuclear reac­tors and a new gas pipeline from Alaska)
  • throw many bil­lions of tax dol­lars into the expen­sive and pol­lut­ing
    nuclear pow­er industry
  • pro­mote nuclear pro­lif­er­a­tion by revers­ing long-stand­ing U.S. pol­i­cy
    against repro­cess­ing waste from com­mer­cial nuclear reac­tors, and using
    plu­to­ni­um to gen­er­ate com­mer­cial energy
  • pro­mote build­ing more coal pow­er plants
  • pro­vide incen­tives to cut down our nation­al forests for ener­gy production

For an overview of the his­to­ry of the Ener­gy Bill up until late Jan­u­ary 2004, read THE ENERGY BILL: The Environment’s Worst Night­mare.


News Arti­cles:

Analy­ses of the Ener­gy Bill:

Problems in the Energy Bill

The 2004–2005 Sen­ate Ener­gy Bill will not include Arc­tic Refuge drilling or the MTBE lia­bil­i­ty waiv­er (the two items respon­si­ble for past Ener­gy Bill fil­i­busters). Instead, these two issues will be pur­sued in sep­a­rate ini­tia­tives. How­ev­er, there are many oth­er pro­vi­sions that make this bill worse than pre­vi­ous bills.

NOTE: Some of the lan­guage below was writ­ten for the 2002 and 2003 bills, and may not pre­cise­ly describe the 2005 bill

Deregulation

More Enrons: The bill fur­ther dereg­u­lates the already trou­bled elec­tric­i­ty indus­try by repeal­ing the Pub­lic Util­i­ty Hold­ing Com­pa­ny Act (PUHCA), the main law to pro­tect con­sumers from mar­ket manip­u­la­tion, fraud, and abuse in the elec­tric­i­ty sec­tor. If PUHCA had been enforced and not recent­ly weak­ened, the Enron col­lapse would nev­er have occurred. PUHCA places own­er­ship restric­tions on giant elec­tric­i­ty com­pa­nies and restricts the abil­i­ty of com­pa­nies to make invest­ments that divert resources away from their pri­ma­ry respon­si­bil­i­ty: serv­ing elec­tric­i­ty cus­tomers. Also, Sec­tion 1221 gives the Fed­er­al Ener­gy Reg­u­la­to­ry Com­mis­sion the pow­er to con­demn land for build­ing pow­er trans­mis­sion lines and dis­tri­b­u­tion facil­i­ties (except in most of Texas).

Nuclear Power & Waste

New Nuclear Reac­tors Man­dat­ed and Fund­ed: The Sen­ate and House bills promise over $6.1 bil­lion in sub­si­dies and tax breaks, as well as oth­er incen­tives, to the mature nuclear indus­try to build new nuclear reac­tors. The final bill includes $2 bil­lion risk insur­ance pro­gram for up to six new reac­tors that was not includ­ed in either the House or Sen­ate passed ener­gy bills. $1.3 bil­lion is going to an exper­i­men­tal nuclear plant in Ida­ho to gen­er­ate hydro­gen fuel, which effec­tive­ly makes the hydro­gen “dirty.” $2 bil­lion will go toward nuclear ener­gy research and devel­op­ment, includ­ing the Depart­ment of Energy’s Nuclear Pow­er 2010 pro­gram to con­struct new nuclear plants, and its Gen­er­a­tion IV pro­gram to devel­op new reac­tor designs. It essen­tial­ly nation­al­izes nuclear pow­er by giv­ing tax­pay­er mon­ey and fed­er­al land to the nuclear indus­try to research and “deploy” new nuclear reac­tors. It grants a blank check to fund the nuclear indus­try’s dream… their vision of 50,000 megawatts of new nuclear gen­er­a­tion by 2020, cov­er­ing up to 50% of the cost of estab­lish­ing new reac­tors dur­ing most of the ini­tials stages of devel­op­ment (all but con­struc­tion) while stream­lin­ing the approval process by great­ly reduc­ing pub­lic involvement.

The bill refers to the Depart­ment of Ener­gy’s Nuclear Pow­er 2010 Pro­gram, which in turn, refers to Nuclear Ener­gy Institute’s

Vision 2020:

“The nuclear indus­try respond­ed to the Nation­al Ener­gy Pol­i­cy with “Vision 2020”, which sets the goal of 50,000 megawatts of new nuclear gen­er­at­ing capac­i­ty added to the U.S. grid by 2020. The Nuclear Ener­gy Insti­tute (NEI) took a lead role in for­mu­lat­ing Vision 2020 and has estab­lished an Exec­u­tive Task Force on New Nuclear Pow­er Plants to help guide near term indus­try activ­i­ties toward that goal…

“The [Depart­ment of Ener­gy] has coor­di­nat­ed its efforts with those of NEI and its Exec­u­tive Task Force on New Nuclear Pow­er Plants, to ensure com­pat­i­bil­i­ty with ongo­ing indus­try activ­i­ties. The rec­om­men­da­tions in this Roadmap are com­ple­men­tary to NEI efforts and are essen­tial to achiev­ing Vision 2020.”

[From pages 1–2 of A Roadmap to Deploy New Nuclear Pow­er Plants in the Unit­ed States by 2010, Vol­ume I, Sum­ma­ry Report]

(More info on: nuclear pow­er & waste)

Price-Ander­son Reau­tho­riza­tion: Enables new nuclear reac­tors to be built by extend­ing nuclear insur­ance lia­bil­i­ty caps for the next 20 years (the exist­ing, aging reac­tors are grand­fa­thered in and would still be cov­ered if the Price-Ander­son law is not renewed). DOE con­trac­tors get an exten­sion indef­i­nite­ly. While U.S. acci­dent lia­bil­i­ty is capped at $10 bil­lion, acci­dents out­side of the U.S. are capped at only half a bil­lion. Since cost esti­mates of a cat­a­stroph­ic nuclear acci­dent range as high as $600 bil­lion, the pub­lic could end up cov­er­ing a large part of such costs. The cur­rent law amounts to a 3.4 bil­lion dol­lar per year insur­ance sub­sidy for the nuclear indus­try, skew­ing the elec­tric­i­ty mar­ket in favor of nuclear ener­gy. In the renew­al lan­guage, new mod­u­lar reac­tors are allowed to pay less insur­ance pre­mi­um than old reactors.

Nuclear Pro­lif­er­a­tion: So-called “recy­cling” of high-lev­el nuclear radioac­tive waste is an extreme­ly dirty process oth­er­wise known as repro­cess­ing, which cre­ates huge amounts of nuclear waste, includ­ing plu­to­ni­um which is a nuclear weapons pro­lif­er­a­tion risk. The bills would fund fuel recy­cling research, revers­ing a long-stand­ing U.S. pol­i­cy against repro­cess­ing of irra­di­at­ed nuclear fuel. The ban on repro­cess­ing tech­nol­o­gy must remain. Nuclear waste must be regard­ed as a haz­ard, NOT a com­mod­i­ty. Repro­cess­ing facil­i­tates the steal­ing of nuclear bomb mate­r­i­al and has proven to be a health haz­ard at the facil­i­ties which attempt it. Repro­cess­ing plants in France, Eng­land and Japan have proven to be extreme­ly dan­ger­ous and pol­lut­ing. France and Japan have already shut down their plants.

(More info on: repro­cess­ing)

Ura­ni­um Sales: The Sen­ate bill lan­guage autho­rizes sale of many types of ura­ni­um waste prod­ucts, includ­ing “deplet­ed” ura­ni­um, which has been used to make “armor-pierc­ing” ammu­ni­tion which has caused per­ma­nent con­t­a­m­i­na­tion in Iraq, Koso­vo and pos­si­bly Afghanistan as well as con­tribut­ing to Gulf War Syn­drome in U.S. vets. Ura­ni­um stays radioac­tive for bil­lions of years and, when DU muni­tions are fired, they pul­ver­ize upon impact, spread­ing fine radioac­tive dust into the air, land and water. The bill also autho­rizes sale of oth­er extreme­ly haz­ardous forms of ura­ni­um, such as ura­ni­um hexafluoride.

The House bill lan­guage includes $10 mil­lion for each of the next three years for the ura­ni­um mining/processing industry.

Nuclear Fusion: Fund­ing for an exper­i­men­tal fusion reac­tor is also pro­vid­ed in the ener­gy bill. Fusion has been a pie-in-the-sky promise for many years and has done lit­tle more than eat research mon­ey. What IS known for sure is that fusion reac­tors would be extreme­ly expen­sive (just like the fis­sion reac­tors are), would still rely on cen­tral­ized large pow­er gen­er­a­tion, and still gen­er­ate nuclear waste. The fusion exper­i­ment that used to exist in New Jer­sey was dis­man­tled and shipped across the U.S. to be dumped in a nuclear waste dump in Wash­ing­ton state. Fusion reac­tors use tri­tium, a radioac­tive form of hydro­gen which is very hard to con­tain (it’s a gas) and is a major health prob­lem, caus­ing can­cers and leukemia. Fusion reac­tors also often need the more waste­ful fis­sion tech­nol­o­gy to get the reac­tion start­ed. Since much clean­er and cheap­er tech­nolo­gies exist, there is no need to be explor­ing the false hope of fusion anymore.

Fossil Fuels (Coal / Oil / Gas)

High­er Gas Prices and Increased Oil Imports: In Feb­ru­ary 2004, Bush’s Ener­gy Infor­ma­tion Admin­is­tra­tion (part of the U.S. Depart­ment of Ener­gy) released a report titled “Sum­ma­ry Impacts of Mod­eled Pro­vi­sions of the 2003 Con­fer­ence Ener­gy Bill.” It was look­ing at the 2003 ener­gy bill and came to the fol­low­ing con­clu­sions about oil:

  • that gas prices would go up MORE if the ener­gy bill passed, than if it weren’t passed;
  • that petro­le­um con­sump­tion is going to keep increas­ing and that the ener­gy bill would only slow this increase by a tiny, insignif­i­cant amount;
  • that oil imports are going to keep increas­ing and that the ener­gy bill would only slow this increase by a tiny, insignif­i­cant amount.

(More info on: EIA Report)

Increased Oil Depen­dence: Increas­es Amer­i­ca’s oil depen­dence by 130,000 bar­rels of oil per day in 2014 through extend­ing the ‘dual-fuel’ loophole.

“Liq­ue­fied Nat­ur­al Gas (LNG) Pre­emp­tion: The Fed­er­al Ener­gy Reg­u­la­to­ry Com­mis­sion (FERC) would have the pow­er to over­rule state and local reg­u­la­tion of liq­uid nat­ur­al gas facil­i­ties. Since nat­ur­al gas pro­duc­tion has already peaked in North Amer­i­ca, these ter­mi­nals are nec­es­sary to main­tain the U.S. addic­tion to gas by enter­ing glob­al con­flicts over the world’s remain­ing gas resources. The pre­emp­tion is clear­ly a ploy meant to deal with com­mu­ni­ties who have stood up against the major risks and envi­ron­men­tal prob­lems asso­ci­at­ed with LNG. The law would put an end to a legal bat­tle between the fed­er­al gov­ern­ment and the state of Cal­i­for­nia over whether the cur­rent law gives FERC the pow­er to pre­empt local con­cerns over a pro­posed Long Beach LNG facil­i­ty. Mass­a­chu­setts state and local offi­cials are launch­ing a legal chal­lenge against an import facil­i­ty in Fall Riv­er, Mass. Oth­er states have used zon­ing and oth­er pro­vi­sions to reject LNG sites. In Maine, three LNG facil­i­ties have been reject­ed in local votes. With nat­ur­al gas pro­duc­tion set to peak glob­al­ly around 2020, it does­n’t make sense to be invest­ing in new LNG ter­mi­nals. And because LNG is high­ly volatile, the ter­mi­nals become an obvi­ous ter­ror­ist target.

“Clean Coal” Research and Sub­si­dies: There is no such thing as “clean” coal, since it nec­es­sar­i­ly involves the dev­as­tat­ing impacts of min­ing (in West Vir­ginia, entire moun­tains are being dis­man­tled and then dumped into stream beds known as “val­ley fills”). The pol­lut­ing ele­ments in coal (mer­cury, sul­fur, chlo­rine, flu­o­rine, nat­ur­al radioac­tiv­i­ty and more) don’t dis­ap­pear for the sake of “clean” coal. The tech­nol­o­gy might dis­place them into the ash or oth­er waste streams, but they don’t con­ve­nient­ly go away. They should be left in the ground, as we move into the 21st cen­tu­ry and leave unnec­es­sary old tech­nolo­gies like coal in the his­to­ry books where they belong. Enough mon­ey has been wast­ed on “clean” coal research already.

The bill autho­rize almost $6 Bil­lion in fund­ing over the next 9 years for “clean coal” projects, and pro­vides fed­er­al loan guar­an­tees to build at least 16 new coal-fired pow­er plants.

Tox­ic Wastes to be “recy­cled” into Con­crete for Gov­ern­ment Build­ings: Indus­tri­al wastes, includ­ing the high­ly tox­ic fly ash cap­tured in the pol­lu­tion con­trol equip­ment of coal-fired pow­er plants could be “recy­cled” by mix­ing it into con­crete and cement. This would pose a haz­ard to con­struc­tion and demo­li­tion con­trac­tors and local com­mu­ni­ties. Gov­ern­ment agen­cies would be required to give pri­or­i­ty to pur­chas­ing this sort of concrete/cement. The gov­ern­ment should­n’t be help­ing the coal indus­try sweep their tox­ic waste lit­er­al­ly “under the rug” into the foun­da­tions of our buildings.

Clean Water Act Exemp­tion: The oil and gas indus­tries would be grant­ed an exemp­tion for their con­struc­tion activ­i­ties from com­pli­ance with Clean Water Act pro­vi­sions that require all types of con­struc­tion activ­i­ties to reduce pol­lut­ed runoff from these sites.

NEPA Exclu­sions: The bill seeks to sig­nif­i­cant­ly increase the abil­i­ty to cat­e­gor­i­cal­ly exclude a broad range of oil and gas explo­ration and drilling activ­i­ties from pub­lic involve­ment and impact analy­sis under the Nation­al Envi­ron­men­tal Pol­i­cy Act.

Coastal Explo­ration: Tram­ples on states’ abil­i­ties to pro­tect their coasts from harm­ful oil and gas explo­ration by weak­en­ing their voice about fed­er­al projects that affect their coasts.

Sub­si­dies for Oil/Gas Drilling: Bil­lions of dol­lars of sub­si­dies and research mon­ey would be pro­vid­ed for drilling in our coastal waters (includ­ing $1.5 bil­lion for “ultra-deep­wa­ter” drilling and explo­ration) and “uncon­ven­tion­al” drilling on land. The Sen­ate bill also pro­vides for research and tax breaks for coalbed methane drilling. Such drilling is destroy­ing farms and the rur­al ecol­o­gy of states like Wyoming and Mon­tana and even east­ern states like Penn­syl­va­nia. Tax cred­its are even grant­ed for oil and gas drilling in mar­gin­al wells, sub­si­diz­ing oth­er­wise unprof­itable drilling oper­a­tions. Under the 2002 House bill (Sec 6223), “unwar­rant­ed” denials and stays on drilling on fed­er­al lands would be eliminated.

Seis­mic Explo­ration: The bill includes dan­ger­ous pro­vi­sions to allow harm­ful seis­mic under­wa­ter oil and gas explo­ration that could pave the way for off­shore drilling along Amer­i­ca’s coastlines.

Under­ground Chem­i­cal Injec­tion: The bill threat­ens drink­ing water by amend­ing the Safe Drink­ing Water Act to allow the unreg­u­lat­ed under­ground injec­tion of chem­i­cals dur­ing oil and gas devel­op­ment and dur­ing geot­her­mal ener­gy development.

Oil Shale/Tar Sands: The bill man­dates the rapid devel­op­ment of a com­mer­cial oil shale/tar sands leas­ing pro­gram. Directs the Depart­ment of Inte­ri­or to iden­ti­fy and pri­or­i­tize for land exchange fed­er­al lands for trans­fer to cor­po­ra­tions for oil shale development.

Oil Refin­ery Revi­tal­iza­tion: The House and Sen­ate bills con­tain pro­vi­sions for re-open­ing idle oil refiner­ies and putting new refiner­ies on-line. Repub­li­cans have repeat­ed­ly com­plained that envi­ron­men­tal reg­u­la­tions are too strin­gent to allow new oil refiner­ies. In fact, evi­ron­men­tal reg­u­la­tions are not the rea­son that there have been no new refiner­ies since 1974. From 1975 to 2000, the U.S. Envi­ron­men­tal Pro­tec­tion Agency (EPA) received only one per­mit request for a new refin­ery. On the oth­er hand, oil com­pa­nies are reg­u­lar­ly apply­ing for – and receiv­ing – per­mits to mod­i­fy and expand their exist­ing refineries.

Look­ing for a rea­son for high gas prices?

Indus­try con­sol­i­da­tion is lim­it­ing com­pe­ti­tion in oil refin­ing sec­tor. The largest five oil refin­ers in the Unit­ed States (Exxon­Mo­bil, Cono­coPhillips, BP, Valero and Roy­al Dutch Shell) now con­trol over half (52.2%) of domes­tic refin­ery capac­i­ty. Only ten years ago, these top five oil com­pa­nies only con­trolled about one-third (34.5%) of domes­tic refin­ery capac­i­ty. This dra­mat­ic increase in the con­trol of just the top five com­pa­nies makes it eas­i­er for oil com­pa­nies to manip­u­late gaso­line sup­plies by inten­tion­al­ly with­hold­ing sup­plies in order to dri­ve up prices. The U.S. Fed­er­al Trade Com­mis­sion (FTC) con­clud­ed in March 2001 that oil com­pa­nies had inten­tion­al­ly with­held sup­plies of gaso­line from the mar­ket as a tac­tic to dri­ve up prices—all as a “prof­it-max­i­miz­ing strategy.”

Nukes in Oil?: The bill pro­vides $250,000 to devel­op tech­nolo­gies to use radioac­tiv­i­ty to refine oil.

New Alaskan Pipeline: 10 bil­lion dol­lars would be spent to build a new pipeline for nat­ur­al gas from Alas­ka, increas­ing U.S. reliance on fos­sil fuels and cre­at­ing yet anoth­er appeal­ing, cen­tral­ized ter­ror­ist target.

Alas­ka Oil Sub­sidy: Allows oil indus­try to for­go roy­al­ty pay­ments to the fed­er­al Trea­sury for oil drilled areas off Alaska’s coastline.

Nation­al Petro­le­um Reserve: The bill threat­ens wildlife and sub­sis­tence val­ues of the 23 mil­lion-acre Nation­al Petro­le­um Reserve-Alas­ka by lit­er­al­ly giv­ing away oil leas­es on Alaska’s North Slope, while at the same time hand­ing oil com­pa­nies a free pass to sit on the leas­es for decades with­out con­tribut­ing any­thing to Amer­i­ca’s ener­gy needs.

Sup­port for Dirty “Alter­na­tive” Fuels, Part 1 — Coal-to-Oil Refineries:

Tax cred­its and research & devel­op­ment mon­ey would be pro­vid­ed for “alter­na­tive” fuels such as the liq­ue­fied-coal diesel fuel which would be pro­duced by the “coal-to-oil” refin­ery planned for Schuylkill Coun­ty in east­ern Penn­syl­va­nia (the nation’s only anthracite min­ing region). The min­ing barons behind the project plan to mar­ket it as Ultra Clean Fuel.”

Waste / Incineration / Biomass / Biofuels

Sup­port for Dirty “Alter­na­tive” Fuels, Part 2 — Trash/S­ludge-to-Ethanol: Sub­si­dized loans would be pro­vid­ed for the con­struc­tion of “trash-to-ethanol” projects like those pro­posed in Alaba­ma, Indi­ana, Louisiana, New Hamp­shire, New York, Min­neso­ta, Penn­syl­va­nia and else­where. Waste to ethanol includes: ani­mal wastes, includ­ing poul­try fats and poul­try lit­ter, munic­i­pal sol­id waste, and oth­er waste materials.

(More info on: ethanol)

Sup­port for Dirty “Alter­na­tive” Fuels, Part 3 — Ethanol Pro­duc­tion Incen­tives: The bill has a “Renew­able Fuel Stan­dards” (RFS) that starts at 4 bil­lion gal­lons in 2006 and increas­es to 7.5 bil­lion gal­lons in 2012. The fact is that ethanol, a poten­tial ingre­di­ent in gaso­line, dirt­ies the air more than it cleans it. Its pro­duc­tion requires vast plant­i­ngs of corn, which wipe out fish and wildlife by destroy­ing habi­tat and pol­lut­ing air, soil, and water. Of all crops grown in the Unit­ed States, corn demands the most mas­sive fix­es of her­bi­cides, insec­ti­cides, and chem­i­cal fer­til­iz­ers, while cre­at­ing the most soil erosion.

(More info on: ethanol)

Forests to Ethanol: Pro­vides incen­tives to cut down trees, includ­ing those in sen­si­tive areas such as road­less areas, to use in ethanol and motor fuels production.

Tax Cred­its for Poul­try Waste Incin­er­a­tors: A British com­pa­ny (Fibrowatt) is seek­ing to build turkey and chick­en fac­to­ry waste incin­er­a­tors in about ten states. The ener­gy bill con­tains a “three-year exten­sion of cred­it for pro­duc­ing elec­tric­i­ty from wind and poul­try waste.” Extend­ing the wind ener­gy tax cred­it is a won­der­ful idea, but apply­ing this to burn­ing poul­try fac­to­ry wastes is crazy. Among oth­er things, chick­ens and turkeys are fed arsenic as a growth-pro­mot­er. These “arseni­cal” drugs are used wide­ly through­out the indus­try and much of the arsenic ends up in the ani­mal’s waste. The U.S. Geo­log­i­cal Sur­vey and U.S. EPA are start­ing to get con­cerned about how much arsenic is being dumped on farm fields as this ani­mal waste is applied as fer­til­iz­er. Burn­ing that waste would only serve to move these con­t­a­m­i­nants into the air. This isn’t the sort of “green” ener­gy that should be get­ting tax breaks.

(More info on: poul­try waste incin­er­a­tion)

Tax Cred­its for Oth­er Incin­er­a­tors: Through the elu­sive term “bio­mass,” tax cred­its are extend­ed to oth­er forms of incin­er­a­tors as well, includ­ing those that burn construction/demolition wood wastes, which are quite con­t­a­m­i­nat­ed with met­als like lead, mer­cury, chromi­um and arsenic as well as chlo­rine chem­i­cals which pro­duce diox­in when burned. Thank­ful­ly, trash incin­er­a­tors aren’t includ­ed in this tax cred­its sec­tion of the bill, but many oth­er pol­lut­ing incin­er­a­tors will be propped up by this clause.

(More info on: incin­er­a­tion, bio­mass)

Tax Cred­its for Tox­ic Sludge Prod­ucts: Sewage sludge comes con­t­a­m­i­nat­ed with all sorts of house­hold and indus­tri­al tox­ic chem­i­cals. The ener­gy bill pro­vides for this tox­ic sludge to be reprocessed into “renew­able auto­mo­tive fuels.”

(More info on: sewage sludge)

Bioen­er­gy & Biotech — Genet­i­cal­ly-Engi­neered Trees and Beyond: Using terms like bioen­er­gy, bio­fu­els, biopow­er, and biore­finer­ies, the ener­gy bill would fund genet­ic engi­neer­ing research pro­grams, includ­ing pro­grams like the Plant Genome Pro­gram. [Sec. 971] The 2003 bill specif­i­cal­ly advo­cates the use of genet­i­cal­ly engi­neered trees to suck up tox­ic and radioac­tive con­t­a­m­i­nants from the ground, [Sec. 977] and would like­ly end up with those plants being burned for “green” ener­gy, thus releas­ing those con­t­a­m­i­nants into the air. This “GE tree” research is high­ly con­tro­ver­sial and is a very risky area of biotech devel­op­ment. Some of the GE tree research is being done with the goal of cre­at­ing quick-grow­ing, “Roundup-Ready” (pes­ti­cide-resis­tant) poplar trees that could be har­vest­ed in order to be burned for “green ener­gy” as a “bio­mass” fuel.

Tax Cred­its for Burn­ing of Tox­ic Land­fill Gas­es: Tax cred­its designed main­ly to help pro­mote wind devel­op­ment will be extend­ed to con­tin­ue their use in also pro­mot­ing the burn­ing of tox­ic land­fill gas­es as a “renew­able” ener­gy resource. Unfor­tu­nate­ly, there are not even any require­ments that the hun­dreds of tox­ic con­t­a­m­i­nants in land­fill gas be fil­tered out before the gas is burned (land­fill gas is not sim­ply “methane”). EPA’s own doc­u­ments show that burn­ing land­fill gas is dirt­i­er than nat­ur­al gas and even — by some mea­sures — dirt­i­er than burn­ing coal. Land­fill gas is the pri­ma­ry ener­gy source that has under­cut wind pow­er devel­op­ment in recent years, since it’s wide­ly allowed to be mar­ket­ed as a “renew­able” resource, lead­ing com­pa­nies to use it as a cheap way to obtain “renew­able” ener­gy to sell to gullible con­sumers. The House bill also pro­motes the use of land­fill gas in the pro­duc­tion of “renew­able auto fuel.”

(More info on: land­fill gas)

Transmission / Misc.

Trans­mis­sion Line Pre­emp­tion: Over­rides states’ rights by pro­vid­ing fed­er­al sit­ing author­i­ty for trans­mis­sion lines.

Rather than build­ing new pow­er lines (espe­cial­ly so close to where peo­ple spend time), we should be mov­ing away from cen­tral­ized pow­er pro­duc­tion and long-dis­tance trans­mis­sion. Enhanc­ing the exist­ing trans­mis­sion sys­tem (which oth­er parts of the bill would do), decreas­ing elec­tric use through con­ser­va­tion and effi­cien­cy and increas­ing our reliance on decen­tral­ized pow­er gen­er­a­tion (like wind and solar, which the bill does­n’t sup­port as much as it ought to) would ensure that addi­tion­al major pow­er trans­mis­sion sys­tems aren’t needed.

More Gas Pipelines (and Under­ground Stor­age?): The House bill calls for devel­op­ment of inter­a­gency effort to expe­dite the envi­ron­men­tal review and per­mit­ting of nat­ur­al gas pipeline projects. Details of the expe­dit­ed process are laid out in the the May 2002 report: “Inter­a­gency Agree­ment On Ear­ly Coor­di­na­tion Of Required Envi­ron­men­tal And His­toric Preser­va­tion Reviews Con­duct­ed In Con­junc­tion With The Issuance Of Autho­riza­tions To Con­struct And Oper­ate Inter­state Nat­ur­al Gas Pipelines Cer­tifi­cat­ed By The Fed­er­al Ener­gy Reg­u­la­to­ry Commission.”

(More info on: nat­ur­al gas)

Nan­otech Research With­out Strings: Over $23 bil­lion is being made avail­able for var­i­ous types of nan­otech­nol­o­gy research. Nan­otech (the manip­u­la­tion of mat­ter at the atom­ic lev­el) has impli­ca­tions that are both promis­ing and dread­ful, depend­ing on how it’s applied. Fund­ing should not allow for tech trans­fer of nan­otech research with­out seri­ous pub­lic over­sight into how the tech­nolo­gies are deployed. While there are excit­ing and Star Trek-like tech­no­log­i­cal poten­tials from nan­otech, mod­ern his­to­ry has shown that cor­po­ra­tions can’t be trust­ed to devel­op tech­nolo­gies with the pub­lic inter­est as a high­er pri­or­i­ty than profits.

MTBE Claims moved to Fed­er­al Court: Pro­vides “back­door immu­ni­ty” to the pro­duc­ers and dis­trib­u­tors, of the like­ly car­cino­genic gaso­line addi­tive MTBE by remov­ing MTBE claims from state court to fed­er­al court when the claims are based on state tort law, nui­sance law, or con­sumer law. This unfair­ly deprives injured par­ties and their rep­re­sen­ta­tives (water util­i­ties, states AGs, etc) of their right to have their claims heard in their state forum and could derail many legal claims entire­ly, effec­tive­ly shield­ing those com­pa­nies respon­si­ble for MTBE con­t­a­m­i­na­tion from their full finan­cial lia­bil­i­ty for the dam­ages they have caused.


Many exist­ing laws would be altered by an ener­gy bill.
Here are tools for look­ing up fed­er­al bills and laws:

  • Look up the text of fed­er­al bills at THOMAS
  • Look up the text of exist­ing fed­er­al laws in the Unit­ed States Code 

Last mod­i­fied: 28 Novem­ber 2005


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